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CHORA BATIR: A TATAR ADMONITION TO FUTURE GENERATIONSH.B. PaksoyThe following paper is published inSTUDIES IN COMPARATIVE COMMUNISM (London & Los Angeles)VOL. XIX Nos. 3 and 4; Autumn/Winter 1986. Pp. 253-265.[For space considerations, footnotes are shortened]Introductory NoteChora Batir is the Tatar account of events andassociated social conditions within two Tatar (Kazan andCrimean) khanates prior to the Russian conquest of Kazan.This military venture represents the earliest Russianeastward expansion and one of the first outside Slav domains.Russian, Soviet and Western historians, in recording andanalyzing this event and the relationship between Kazan andMuscovy that preceded it, have relied almost exclusively onRussian sources, especially the highly politically motivatedchronicles. These were mostly exercises in wishful thinkingrather than recording history. [1] Rarely have scholarsattempted to beyond these sources or the views they contain.One noteworthy exception is a group of articles published inSLAVIC REVIEW in 1967 [2] by Edward L. Keenan, JaroslawPelenski, and Omeljan Pritsak (Introduction by Ihor Sevcenko)which brought new information to light using heretoforeneglected sources and a broader viewpoint. These authorsnoted the scarcity of the Tatar view of Kazan-Muscoviterelations and the conquest itself. CHORA BATIR partly answersthat need, so that the SLAVIC REVIEW articles and CHORA BATIRat one level complement each other.However, CHORA BATIR is not primarily a report of theconquest or of relations with Muscovy, neither is it achronicle. CHORA BATIR is a dastan, an ornate oral historywhich embodies the essential issues of Central Asianidentity. It is part of the historical and literarytraditions of the Tatars, the beginnings of which predateeven the first mention of the 'Rus' in written records. It isin these terms that CHORA BATIR, and all dastans, must beviewed. Furthermore, CHORA BATIR presents a threat to theRussians and for that reason they have attempted to destroyit. It is threat not merely because this dastan names theRussian as the enemy: CHORA BATIR constitutes a profoundchallenge to Russian and Soviet attempts to portray historyas they see fit. As history, it belies Soviethistoriography's accounts of 'national origins,' 'historicfriendships,' and 'voluntary unions' with the Russian state.Like all dastans, it thereby represents a roadblock to themythology underlying efforts to create the New Soviet Man. Asliterature, it undermines the regime's attempt to establishthe alleged primacy of literary Russian. [3] Therefore, thispaper discusses CHORA BATIR as a repository.The Dastan GenreCHORA BATIR is a dastan, an ornate oral history. Thisliterary genre is the repository of the Central Asianidentity, its customs, and the traditions of the CentralAsian Turkic tribal confederations. They are recited by ozans(composer-reciters), who accompany themselves with a nativemusical instrument (kopuz), at every feasible occasion. CHORABATIR belongs to the Tatars. In 1923, Gazi Alim wrote:...if we do not know the dastans...we will not becomefamiliar with the struggles of the Turkish tribes, thereasons underlying their politico-economic endeavors,their methods and rules of warfare, the characters andthe social places of their heroes in their societies; inshort, the details of their past...All Turkish tribeshave their dastans: the kipchaks have their KOBLANDIBATIR; the Nogays, IDIGE BATIR; the Kungrats, ALPAMYSHBATIR; the NAYMANS, CHORA BATIR; the Kirghiz, MANASBATIR [4]After centuries of purely oral existence, CHORA BATIRwas committed to paper, like most other dastans, at variouslocations and times by different individuals in the 19thcentury. [5] CHORA BATIR is the only classical Central Asiandastan which names the Russians as the enemy. Thus it is nosurprise that the Soviet regime, which is very active inpropagating the alleged Russian epic, the LAY OF THE HOST OFIGOR, has taken a very different attitude toward CHORA BATIR.The Russians attempted to eradicate this dastan (along withothers) and failing that, tried to subvert it. The duality ofthe Russians' behavior regarding the 'epics' is nowhere moreclear that in a comparison of the attacks on CHORA BATIR andthe glorification of the IGOR TALE. This unequal policy isreflected in a resolution submitted to UNESCO calling for thecommemoration of the '800th anniversary' of the IGOR TALE.The resolution refers to this tale--a work of controversialorigin and character--as one of the 'events which have leftan imprint on the development of humanity,' and as 'one ofthe jewels of world literature.' It 'invites the scientificand cultural community of the Member States of UNESCO toundertake the extensive commemoration of this anniversarywhich represents a landmark in the history of world culture."[6] Neither the IGOR TALE nor the two centuries' long debateover its authenticity concerns us here. However, it is ironicthat this tale which Russians regard as so fundamental totheir literature actually deals with early Turk-Slavrelations. [7]Kazak writer Oljay Suleimanov's AZ I YA, [8] a recentcontribution to the discussion of the IGOR TALE's origins andintent, reveals pervasive Turkic elements in the text. Itfurther suggests earlier historic relations between Turk andSlav peoples and the great cultural impact of the Turks onthe relatively more primitive Slavs. [9] This may be yetanother factor which contributed to the official unpopularityof CHORA BATIR. In any event, it is noteworthy that this muchtouted heroic epic of the Russian people commemorates thedefeat of the Slavs by the Kumans (also known as Kipchak,Polovtsy), a Turkic tribe. [10]As for CHORA BATIR itself, several written variationsexist. Most of these were recorded between the 1890s and the1930s in the Russian empire and abroad. Those collected andpublished within the Russian empire were subject to theinfamous censorship laws. Although Peter I made the firstattempt at controlling the printed word in 1722, the firstcensorship statute was not promulgated until 1804 during thereign of Alexander I. Between 1826 and 1828, under NicholasI, the most strict codes were developed. However, theseproved to be so unwieldy as to be unenforceable and weresuperseded by a new code in 1828. The 1828 code laid thebasic foundation for many areas of censorship for the rest ofthe imperial period. A major supplement to the 1828 code wasenacted in 1865 which shifted the emphasis from a preemptivecharacter (where the efforts of the censor are concentratedon preventing the 'offensive' material from reaching thepress) to a punitive character (providing sanctions againstthose defying the censor). [11]By the 1890s, the character of censorship had becomeparticularly troublesome with respect to non-Russians. Fromthe reign of Alexander III (1881-1894), Russification becamean official policy of the state. Censors were sensitive toany elements of anti-monarchical and, increasingly, of anti-Russian or anti-Orthodox thought. Policies in publication,like those in education, were heavily influenced by the driveto Russify and Christianize. Russians such as the missionaryand Orientalist Il'minskii came directly into conflict withTurkic Muslims and especially with the Tatars. [12] It was inthis atmosphere that CHORA BATIR was first put on paper.To our knowledge, the first to collect and publish CHORABATIR was Abubekir Divaoglu, a Bashkurt, during 1895 inTashkent. [13] Divaoglu, as the editor, concludes hisnarration of CHORA BATIR with a mysterious remark to which weshall return.Radloff appears to be the second person who recorded thedastan. [14] Characteristically for him, it is a fragment,severely truncated and taken down without noting the sourceor the time or place of recording. Perhaps this was simplyRadloff's usual overeagerness in rushing into print, or theeffects of censorship. He may have been compelled to leaveout those parts which were objectionable to the Russians.However, Radloff presents a small variant pertaining to thecourage and valor of CHORA BATIR himself which is not foundin more complete versions.Tatars themselves, perhaps again due to the prevailingcensorship in the Russian domains, could not openly printthis dastan. On the other hand, two Tatars demonstrated theirremembrance of this heritage (perhaps in defiance of thecensor) by including passages from a verse-variant in theirHISTORY OF TATAR LITERATURE. [15] Another version, recordedamong the Dobruca Tatars in 1935 by Saadet Ishaki (Cagatay)and issued in Krakow, unlike the remaining versions containsa complete sequence. [16] Another variant appeared inIstanbul during 1939. [17] This one was taken down fromemigre Tatars living in the Turkish Republic, with extensivedialogues in verse. A Tashkent version [18] and two Bucharest[19] variants, if merged, may constitute a somewhat completedastan, for the Tashkent version lacks the ending, and theBucharest fragments have rather scanty introductions. Thelatest CHORA BATIR variant reaching the West is found inTATAR PEOPLE'S CREATIONS, A COLLECTION OF DASTANS, printed inKazan during 1984. [19A] We can expect that further variants,new and old, will emerge or be unearthed in the future.Below is a composite summary which I have compiled fromthe aforementioned variants. The task of a full translation,utilizing all available sources, with critical apparatus,awaits a more suitable time.Synopsis of CHORA BATIRA young man named Narik is a page in the service of aKhan in Crimea. He is known to be a diligent worker,trustworthy, honorable, and a brave soul. He is present atthe Khan's Court where he is highly visible. Merchants plyingthe lands of the continent are very much impressed with theexemplary character of Narik. So the merchants present himwith rare and expensive gifts. The Khan, not wishing to beoutdone in his own Court, orders his page Narik to journey inthe domains of his khanate for the purpose of finding asuitable girl to marry. This gesture of the Khan furtherevokes the jealousies of others who are in the court.Narik traverses the land of the Khan, between the Idil(Volga) and Yayik (Ural) rivers, in the Turgay-Yayik basinand while resting in a village, notices a woman who kindlesthe fire and, keeping with the custom, refrains from steppingon the ashes. Narik, noticing this attention to tradition,asks if this woman has a daughter. Finding that she indeedhas, declares that he would like to marry her.The marriage takes place with due pomp and ceremony withall the dignitaries and the masses in attendance. However,the Khan's son is also taken with the beauty of Menli ArukSulu, Narik's bride. Scheming to take her, the young Princeorders Narik to carry a message to Moscow. Menli Aruk Sulu,suspecting the Prince's motive, begs Narik not to go. Narikseems indignant, and seems to refuse to heed his wife's word.However, he decides to feign departure and to returnunobserved. The Prince visits Narik's home that night,confident of finding Menli Aruk Sulu alone. Narik's wifeadmits the Prince into the house and begins telling him atale:My father was a wealthy man who lived along theIdil river. He had herds of horses. In one of thoseherds there was a beautiful colt. One day this coltfell asleep and became separated from the herd. Ahungry wolf, attacked, and bit the colt's hind leg.Just in time, a hunter tracking the wolf appearedon the scene. The wolf took refuge in the forestbut the colt was left lame. Time passed, a lionhunted down the lame colt. But the lion noticed theteeth marks of the wolf on the colt's leg and said'I am a lion. I will not eat any animal thatsurvived a wolf.'The prince, very upset, rising, states: 'May your tonguebe swollen Menli Aruk. You are a young woman, where did youlearn to speak in this manner?'As the Prince prepares to leave, Narik, who has beensecretly observing the proceedings, confronts and kills him.When the prolonged absence of the Prince becomes apparent,the Khan begins questioning the members of his Court. Narikowns up to his deed. Given the evidence, the Khan tells him:'I cannot punish you, for you were in your rights. However,from now on, we cannot be in amity.' After amply paying Narikfor his past services, the Khan orders Narik to leave theland.Narik leaves with his wife. One day Menli Aruk has adream: 'A flame shot out from between my feet. A black cloudappeared in the sky. Very heavy rains emanating from thiscloud extinguished the fire.' Menli Aruk continues: 'I willinterpret my dream. I will give birth to a boy who willbecome a mighty batir.'Time passes. Narik and Menli Aruk's son Chora is herdingthe village cows together with other youngsters. An old manappears, a mendicant dervish passing through the village.While the other boys are afraid of the visitor, Chora treatshim with respect and offers food. Before leaving, the old manselects a young colt, ties a collar around its neck, namingit Tasmali Ker. The dervish then tells Chora: 'By the timeyou grow up to be a mighty Batir, this colt will become asteed worthy of you.'Later on, the Khan's tax collector, Ali Bey, visits thevillage for the annual payment. Narik treats the taxcollector to a feast. While he is eating, the tax collectornotices that a young man is watching him intently. Althoughevery other individual in the village seems to be deeplyintimidated by his presence, Chora appears to be curious andnot at all afraid. Ali Bey leaves the village withoutcollecting any taxes, citing for his reason the fact that hewas treated in the most courteous manner.However, the tax collector's master, the Khan of theregion, hears of the incident and summons Ali Bey: 'Why didyou not collect any taxes from the Kokuslu Kok Dam?' Ali Beyanswers: 'I granted it to a young man in that village.' 'Wereyou afraid of him?' "No, not at all. However, he is a valiantyoung man.' The Khan thus desires to meet Chora. The word issent, Chora appears before the Khan and the Court. After dueand proper salutation, the Khan expresses amazement. 'You arebut a youth. You are not a Batir. Look at Ali Bey. He can tiehis mustache behind his neck. When he walks, his steps soundas if seventy thousand troops are afoot. He is the equal ofone-thousand Batirs. How many men are you equal?' ChoraBatir answers: 'I am equal to one who is worthy of me.'Immediately withdrawing from the Court, Chora mounts hishorse, and heads towards his village.The Khan, observing this, orders forty men to interceptChora. The forty men crowd Chora's path. Chora dismounts.Girding his loins, he then remounts and spurring his horse,battles and overcomes the forty men. He ties their hands,disrobes them all, and takes them back to the Khan: 'Makesure these dogs are well tethered so that they may not attackother travellers.'This event deeply embarrasses and angers the Khan. Heorders Ali Bey to gather plenty of troops and pillage Chora'svillage and bring back his horse. Chora is not home. Ali Beyinsults Narik. Collecting Chora's horse, Ali Bey returns tothe Khan's Court. Narik seeks his son Chora and relates theevents in a long and touching manner, in verse. Chora,girding up once more, again does battle with the Khan's men.After defeating them all, he recovers his horse. He cannotany longer stay in the same location. Therefore, he heads forKazan.On the way, he sights and shoots an akku, a very highflying bird. The bird falls to the ground in Kazan. TheBatirs resident there discover the bird with an arrow throughits body. It is reported that ordinarily it is not possibleto shoot this bird in flight. The arrow cannot be identifiedby any of the Batirs as belonging to anyone living in theirrealm. In fact the arrow is too long to fit the bows of thepeople who have found it. The Batirs of Kazan, the best inthe land, marvel at this incident and are clearlyintimidated.Upon further investigation, it is determined that thearrow was discharged from Chora Batir's bow, who has justarrived in Kazan. He is immediately invited to take part in ashooting contest. Chora Batir borrows a bow and an arrow, butthe bow cannot withstand the power of Chora Batir. Whendrawn, it breaks. He is at once given another, but the samefate befall the new bow. His shooting skills are thenquestioned. He asks that his own bow be brought, which he hadleft with his horse. One Batir cannot carry Chora Batir'sbow. A second Batir is sent to help the first. Two Batirsmanage to carry it with difficulty.. With his bow in hand,Chora Batir wins the contest.The other Batirs, who have been unseated from theirformer glory by Chora Batir, conspire against him. However,Chora Batir prevails over them. The Khan of Kazan's daughter,Sari HAnim, distributes valuable gifts to thirty-two residentBatirs. Some receive a horse, others embroidered robes or asword. To Chora Batir, she sends an empty money pouch.Annoyed, Chora discards the bag on a dunghill.At this point, word of Russian forces attacking Kazanreaches the Batirs. Thirty-two Batirs face the Muscovites,and fight for seven days and nights to no avail. The Khanasks: 'How is it that the Batirs cannot turn back theMuscovites? Is Chora Batir among them?' The answer hereceives is 'No, Chora has not left his abode.' The elders ofKazan visit Chora Batir, imploring him to take up armsagainst the Russians. Chora does not answer. Next, the Khanof Kazan comes calling with the same request. Chora does notleave his room. Now, it is Sari Hanim's turn, who arriveswith her select handmaidens, and makes an impassioned andtearful plea. Finally, Chora responds with: 'You gavevaluable presents to each of the thirty-two Batirs. To me yousent an empty money pouch. These thirty-two Batirs cannotturn back the Muscovites. How can I leave this room?' ThenSari Hanim asks: 'Where is that pouch now?' 'On thedunghill.'Sari Hanim and her beautiful hand-maidens rush out tothe dunghill and start sifting through it. They recover andreturn the pouch to Sari Hanim who opens it and displays asword folded eight times. Chora Batir is overjoyed. Wieldingthis 'Gokcubuk,' Chora joins the battle against the Russianswho came to conquer Kazan. Chora Batir turns back theRussians. The Russian general, defeated by Chora Batir, takesan oath never to return again or to gird a sword. Upon thisvictory, Chora Batir becomes the 'Bas Batir' of Cifali Khan,ruler of Kazan.After their defeat, the Russians consult astrologers toseek a way to subdue Kazan and especially Chora Batir. Theastrologers determine that a Russian girl would conceive ason by Chora Batir, and this boy would eventually kill hisfather. The Russians send a pretty girl to Kazan withspecific instructions to find Chora Batir and return toRussian territory upon becoming pregnant. Chora Batir liveswith the girl. After conceiving, the Russian girl returns toher people.Time passes; Chora Batir's son by the Russian girl growsup and leads the Russian troops advancing on Kazan. Duringthe final battle for Kazan, Chora Batir is killed by thisboy.CommentaryChora Batir contains references and allusions to variousknown aspects of Tatar political life and Tatar-Muscoviterelations. It shows that the khanates of Crimean and Kazanare now separate realms, and each in the possession ofdifferent ruling khans. [20] The dastan reflects the frequentdiplomatic relations with Crimea maintained with Muscovy --Chora is asked without much fanfare to undertake a mission toMoscow. Muscovite attacks upon Kazan appear at regularintervals and seem to be routine, even expected by the Kazanpopulace.The dastan also shows some causes of internal frictionin both khanates: in Crimea, the tax collection by thefunctionaries of the Khan is not on a smooth or methodicalbasis; and in Kazan, there is obviously a division of opinionas to who should take command against a Russian attack.There are 32 Batirs in Kazan, prior to Chora Batir'sarrival. They are the ones heading the Kazan forces in battleagainst the Muscovites. To what extent this group is directlyrelated to the 'karachi families' is not immediately obvious.[21] These 32 Batirs may or may not have constituted anadditional council to the Khan.The dastan further indicates Tatar awareness ofMuscovite use of 'astrologers.' Indeed, although astrology isnot acceptable within Christianity, visions and dreamscertainly figure, sometimes prominently, in Rus chronicles,such as the KAZANSKAIA ISTORIIA. [23]CHORA BATIR does not, however, allude to the overtcompetition which existed among Crimea and Muscovy forcontrol over the Turgay-Yayik basin. This is especiallyimportant in the period immediately preceding the Russianconquest because in the late 1520s and early 1540s, variousmembers of the Crimean ruling family assumed the throne inKazan. [24] The competitive Crimean-Kazan relationship ishinted at in Chora's moving to Kazan khanate, when indisfavor in the Crimean Khan's realm.Turning to the structure of the dastan, a number offeatures stand out. There seems to be almost inordinateemphasis on Chora's parents, then on Chora's childhood andearly feats. Once he leaves Crimea, less attention is paidsuch details. (However, focus on this type of detail is inkeeping with the tradition of the Central Asian dastans).The ending, on the conquest itself, is so rapidly disposed ofas to be almost anticlimactic. This is most unusual for aclassical dastan, which describes the outcome in vividdetail.Composers of the dastan emphasize Chora's lineage --thehonor and bravery of his father and the virtuousness of hismother-- and his early feats that set him apart from others.They display the noble qualities of his parents and hisinnocent youth. These suggest Chora's innate virtues andstrength, thereby stressing even further the height fromwhich he fell because of his own indiscretion or error ofjudgement. By his ill-considered liaison with the Russiangirl, he ensured his own defeat as no other Batir, not evenwhole armies, had been able to do.This treatment of Chora is also significant in thatresponsibility for his own actions is placed on the Batirhimself rather than attributed to 'fate,' 'divine will' orsome other uncontrollable or unknown force. It reinforces theconcrete aspect of the dastan, which is discussed furtherbelow.The perils of 'intermarriage' are stunningly disposed ofin the terse and stern ending --the death of the Batir andthe fall of Kazan. This ending is most unusual for the dastangenre. All classical dastans end with the liberation of thepeople to which they belong, under the leadership of the alp[25] who is the favorite son. The victory is invariablycelebrated by a TOY (lavish feast). However, in CHORA BATIRthe ending marks a defeat. This exception is made so as toshake a finger at future generations. Because dastans arealso the 'last will and testament' of the creators and theirgeneration, this ending provides an almost eerieforeshadowing of the debate on sliianie ('merging') in latertimes. The perils of ignoring the admonition of CHORA BATIRare vividly demonstrated in UNCENSORED RUSSIA (PeterReddaway, Trans., Ed.) which documents the plight of CrimeanTatars in their current fight for their homeland (AmericanHeritage Press, 1972).CHORA BATIR is remarkably free of magical imagery, whichat times constitutes the ornamentation in such a work. Alsoabsent are supernatural motifs. Hence it drives home thesolid message that any well bred young man of Tatar origincan duplicate the efforts and deeds of CHORA BATIR. In fact,this is one of the main messages incorporated into the dastanby its composers. It contains the admonition and, as alreadynoted, the 'last will and testament' of the Tatars of the16th century; the Russians are the eternal enemies --no'sliianie,' no 'sblizheniie,' not even 'druzhba.'In light of the clear message of the uncensored versionsof CHORA BATIR, divaoglu's ending is especially curious. Heabruptly truncates his narrative, leaving Chora alive afterthe battle. In three brief, cryptically apologetic paragraphshe concludes the narration:About the further activities of Chora Batir,nothing is known. By some accounts, he returned toKazan.And now, we will offer a prayer for the repose ofthe souls of these wondrous heroes, never havingthundered throughout the universe! (Having been cut downat their prime). Lighten, Oh God, the heavy embankmentover their graves.And now we will close our mouth and forgive us,reader, if into the narration have crept a smallmistake. Indeed we are people, and people sometimes err.[26]This also attests to the nature of Russian censorship.Furthermore, true to the dastan tradition, the Divaoglu 1895variant contains a layer of local references suggesting thetravels of the dastan eastward. Dastans, as they migrate withtheir owners, tend to acquire these additional layers anddetails on one common base. Analysis of all layers, and theircontents, allows the historian a method for tracing theirmovements. [27]The 1984 Kazan version, despite persisting censorship,goes remarkably further. Tatars seem to have employedsuitable allusions to make the final point clear. The Kazan1984 variant also specifically names the Russians as theenemy. In the end, Chora Batir, while fighting against theattacking Russian forces, encounters a young man among theirranks. He cannot defeat this boy, and from the intensity ofthe struggle from between them, Chora Batir's horse's hoovesbecome very hot. To cool them, Chora Batir rides into anearby body of water, where he is drowned.The Russian Attacks on CHORA BATIR and Central Asian Native LiteratureDuring the cultural and 'national' purges of the 1930s,CHORA BATIR had been especially singled out by the Sovietregime for total extinction due to its powerful message. TheSoviets almost succeeded in eliminating all written copies ofthis dastan. However, despite the state's monumental effortsCHORA BATIR is still alive, befitting the best dastantradition of oral recitation. It surely is not a coincidencethat a number of principal characters in current Tatar andother Central Asian literary works several resemble ChoraBatir.The Russians have always been aware of the power ofnative works in Central Asian literature, especially thedastans. The tsarists, in preparation for colonization,studied them in order to understand the mind of the CentralAsians. The St. Petersburg establishment also trained theOrientalists who were assigned as advisers to the tsaristexpeditionary commanders in the field during the phase of theconquest. Later, a number of these individuals weredesignated as 'Inspectors of Schools,' virtually performingthe functions of civilian Governors-General (semi-independentunder the military governors) in the aftermath of themilitary operations. [28]The Bolsheviks, following Lenin's dicta with regard tothe preservation of national customs, and attempting todefuse reaction against their rule, [29] tolerated theprinting of the dastans in the 1920s. Later, the Sovietshighly praised the same body of literature as 'liberty songsof the Central Asians.' [30] During the 1930s a number ofthese works were reprinted in the original and translatedinto Russian.Then came the 'crisis of the dastans' between 1950 and1952, when the whole of these dastans were attacked fiercelyby the apparatchiks. [31] Apparently the dastans were finallyread --in Russian translation-- by part planners and inmilitary circles. It was at once correctly assessed thattheir stubborn contents would stiffen the Central Asianresolve against Soviet designs. A series of denunciationsimmediately declared them 'reactionary,' 'poisonous,' and'feudal.' [32] The Soviets wanted to eradicate them totally.They were banished from all libraries, removed from sight,and became contraband. But the dastans did not die; thanks totheir oral tradition they remained safe in the minds andsouls of their reciters.The Russians responded, in part, by liquidating thereciters and the traditional native schools in which theytrained. The memory of the dastans still did not fade away,because entire generations had heard them many times. Finallyrealizing that overt methods were not succeeding in removingthem from the minds of the Central Asians, the Sovietschanged their approach. This new method involved a renewedeffort to take down the traditional oral literature of theCentral Asian Turkic populations and fix it on paper. Thesemanuscripts were then deposited with the nearest branch oraffiliate of the USSR Academy of Sciences, for 'safekeeping'and eventual 'preparation for publication.' Not all versionsthus collected were heard again. The censorship duties withrespect to the Central Asian literature seems to rest, asthey had before the revolution, in the Oriental Institutes.This appears to have remained the case despite the creationby the Soviet regime of GLAVLIT, which oversees the Russianliterature. The Soviet Oriental Institutes, under the ordersof the Communist Party, went beyond merely removing offensivepassages and were charged with the task of actively andzealously propagating Marxism. [33] To obey and execute theorder, the Oriental Institutes devised 'sanitization.'The phase of preparing for publication, under very closeRussian supervision, has crucial importance. During thisprocess, any passages reminiscent of the old ways orstatements bearing on the historical identity of the CentralAsians are deleted from the text. I term this practice'sanitization' as it strives to remove all aspects of thehistorical heritage that may be instrumental in germinatingthe true Central Asian identity in the minds of the newgenerations. All relevant historical facts are stripped awayand in some cases replaced by artificial versions sympatheticto the Soviet cause. Along the way, the linguistic style isalso altered. [34]When the Russians 'proudly' claim that they are doingall they can to preserve the 'native folklore' of the CentralAsian heritage, they are referring to the sanitized versionsthey have been printing of Central Asian literature. TheRussian use of the term 'folklore' is not incidental. The aimis to relegate all aspects of native Central Asian culture tothe status of folklore, a harmless and antiseptic body oftales which will only add skin-deep color to Soviet life.As a platform for the sanitization, some of the oldpopular reciters and their works were 'rehabilitated' postmortem, albeit after having been subjected to this heavy'sterilization.' These works are now held by the Russians asthe ultimate and 'final' versions of the dastans. These arethe ones found in the libraries and one and all areencouraged to study them, while the complete and oldvariants, collected by the Orientalists, languish in themanuscript departments of, inter alia, Tashkent, Alma Ata,Leningrad, and Moscow. This new method is infinitely moredestructive and has more far-reaching effects. When the youngCentral Asians now read the sanitized, 'folkloric tale'versions of the most important Central Asian historicaldocuments, they have no way of knowing that these have beencompletely gutted. The older generations, who knew theseworks well, are no longer there to advise their offspringotherwise.RescuersBecoming aware of the games the Soviets are playing,Central Asians have been adapting to the new conditions.Their weapon is historical fiction. That is to say, the newgenerations of authors have been producing volumes of'fiction' on historical topics. Since the genre is officiallyclassified and labelled as 'roman' (novel) these youngCentral Asian authors have been able to move in directionsthat are not possible for their historian brethren. [35]The Central Asian historian is fettered by the works ofLenin, Marx, and the latest Politburo chairman. On the otherhand, the novelist can write about an allegedly fictitiousarea and timeframe. That does not mean, however, that thenovelists are completely free and without official manuals toguide their pens. [36] For that matter, occasionally thecensors are awakened to the fact that a work is a directindictment of the Soviet system in the guise of glorificationof it. Consequently, the guilty author is suitably paradedbefore his knowing colleagues, officially repenting, andpromising to rework his latest opus. [37] Nevertheless, thenovelists are able to return to the original sources of theirown history, the dastan. Mamadali Mahmudov's OLMEZ KAYALAR(Immortal Cliffs), published in 1981 is a prime example, onewhich also incorporated CHORA BATIR into its main theme. [38]Thus the 'official history' now becomes the fiction. As oneMarxist philosopher recently put it: "We all know that thefuture is glorious, comrades. It is the past that keepschanging."ConclusionThe dastans are so resilient that they also adaptthemselves both to adversity and to new technology. Some'unsanitized,' unapproved dastans are now being spread oncassettes. These cassettes are prepared and recorded withinthe Soviet sound studios by the Central Asians, much to thechagrin of the Soviet establishment. [39] More significanteven than the production of these unsanitized cassettes istheir immense popularity. Demand for them is great and theyappear to be selling widely. This is indicative of theircontinuing appeal to the populace at large, and not merely tothe educated 'elite.'That popularity raises an even larger, fundamental issue--the nature of Central Asian identity. Current views ofSoviet Central Asia stress that religion is the primaryidentity among Central Asian 'Muslims.' The popularity ofthese cassette dastans, which are not religious, [40] and theconditions under which they are produced and sold is yetanother signal demanding a rethinking of the conventionalwisdom. In the face of mounting evidence recently reachingthe West, the primacy of Islam as the driving force ofcurrent Central Asian identity can no longer be accepted as'given.'The clear distinction between the ethnic and religiousidentities, though generally ignored in the Westernscholarship during recent decades, is not a new phenomenon.It is often expounded, in various forms, by many nativeCentral Asian authors, old and new. Among the last fourgenerations of writers elucidating this issue, in addition toOljay Suleimanov already referred above, can be cited YusufAkcuraoglu, [41] Gazi Alim, [42] Hamid Alimcan, [43] AlisherIbadinov, [44] Mamadali Mahmudov, [45] and Qulmat Omuraliyev.[46] This is by no means a comprehensive list.All of these authors have risked not only their careers,futures, and lives but also those of their families. Manyothers lost their lives in the purges. But all these dangersdid not restrain the Central Asians. Each author, for anexpression of his true identity and those of his fellowCentral Asians, drew on the historic documents of theircommon heritage. Their sources included the dastans, therepositories. In their approach to the task of recoveringtheir native identity, Central Asian authors utilize dastansand alps as sources and models for their arguments. Some,such as Mahmudov and Ibadinov, freely borrow motifs. Others,like Gaspirali, include the name of a specific alp in theiraddress to the public.Gaspirali Ismail Bey, [47] was the founder of Jadidism,[48] and the proprietor of one of the longest lived Turkiclanguage newspapers in the Russian empire, TERCUMAN. [49]During 1905, a group of revolutionary young Tatarsimpetuously criticized Gaspirali Ismail Bey in the newspaperTAN (Dawn) [50] for his cautionary views. Gaspirali answeredhis critics in his widely read TERCUMAN. [51] His referenceto CHORA BATIR, without further elaboration, reflects thewide familiarity of his readers and critics with the dastanand its messages. Moreover,, Gaspirali does not leave tochance or interpretation whose duty it is to follow theselessons --each individual and the community as a whole mustheed the admonition of the dastan. In this way Gaspirali actsas a link between traditional recitation and necessarilyelliptical allusion. He is utilizing the dastan in the spiritit is intended and foreshadowing the work of later rescuersof Central Asia's alps and their legacies. Gaspirali's retortis embedded in his following poem:If my arrow would hit the target If my horse should win the race CHORABATIR is valiantIf my arrow could not reach its target And my horse cannot win the race Tell me, what could CHORABATIR do? [52]NOTES[1] Much has been written on this propensity of the Ruschroniclers, inter alia, 'predicting' events that havealready happened. For an evaluation of the chronicle genre,see Basil Dmytryshyn, A HISTORY OF RUSSIA (Prentice Hall,1977). For the political deployment of these chronicles, seeJaroslaw Pelenski RUSSIA AND KAZAN: CONQUEST AND IMPERIALIDEOLOGY, 1438-1560 (Mouton, 1974); Edward L. Keenan,"Muscovy and Kazan: Some Introductory Remarks on the Patternsof Steppe Diplomacy" SLAVIC REVIEW, Vol. XXVI, No. 4, 1967.[2] Vol XXVI, No. 4, December 1967.[3] The very definition of dastan in BOL'SHAIA SOVETSKAIAENTSIKLOPEDIIA is written to downgrade its true nature. Seemy ALPAMYSH (manuscript in progress) for details. [ALPAMYSH:CENTRAL ASIAN IDENTITY UNDER RUSSIAN RULE (Hartford, 1989)][4] "Alpamysh Dastanina Mukaddime" (Introduction to thedastan ALPAMYSH) by Gazi Alim, in BILIM OCAGI Nos. 2-3, 18May 1923. Since the majority of the events related in CHORABATIR generally took place in the first half of the 16thcentury, we must conclude that Gazi Alim was referring to theTatars, whose tribal confederation included the Naymans fromearlier times. At this point, however, we do not know thesources on which Gazi Alim based his arguments with respectto the Nayman reference. CHORA BATIR may well have travelledwith Naymans east to Turkistan, after the fall of Kazan.These Naymans then joined and merged into Kungrats, asubdivision of the Ozbeks. See Z. V. Togan, TURKILI TURKISTAN(Istanbul, 1981). Substantiating Gazi Alim's observation, anearlier variant of CHORA BATIR was taken down from theKirghiz, in the Chimkent region by Divayoglu. See below.[5] For further details of the early work on this matter, seemy "Saviours of Dastans," presented at the Middle EastStudies Association (MESA) national conference, Boston,November 1986.[6] Full text of this resolution is found in INTERNATIONALAFFAIRS (Moscow: All Union Znaniye Society) August 1984, P.149.[7] See P. B. Golden, KHAZAR STUDIES (Budapest, 1980); N.Golb, O. Pritsak, KHAZARIAN HEBREW DOCUMENTS OF THE TENTHCENTURY (Ithaca, 1982); U. Schamiloglu, "Tribal Politics andSocial Organization" (Doctoral Dissertation, ColumbiaUniversity, 1986); Alan Fisher, CRIMEAN TATARS (Stanford,1978).[8] Olzhas Suleimanov, AZ I YA: kniga blagonamerennogochitatelia (Alma-Ata, 1975).[9] For a discussion of AZ I YA, see F. Diat, "OlzhasSuleimanov: Az I Ja" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY Vol 3, No. 1 1984.[10] P. B. Golden, "Cumanica" ARCHIVUM EURASIAE MEDII AEVI,IV 1984; Thomas Noonan, "Polovtsy" MERSH, 1981.[11] M. T. Choldin, A FENCE AROUND THE EMPIRE (Durham, 1985);B. Daniel, CENSORSHIP IN RUSSIA (Washington, 1979).[12] Hugh Seton-Watson, THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, 1801-1917(Oxford, 1967).[13] See my "Saviors" and note 26 below.[14] PROBEN (St. Petersburg, 1896) Vol. 6.[15] G. Rahim and G. Gaviv, TATAR EDEBIYATI TARIHI (Kazan,1925), p. 141.[16] CHORA BATIR. Polska Akademja, Nr. 20.[17] Collected by Hasan Ortekin, Eminonu Halkevi No. X.[18] DASTANLAR (Tashkent, 1980). Reprinted in EMEL. 1984.[19] TEPEGOZ: DOBRUCA MASALLARI (Bukres, 1985).[19A] F. V. Ahmatova (Ed.), TATAR HALK ICADI (Kazan, 1984).[20] There were also relations between the Tatar domains andCentral Asia. The Russian encroachment towards East'Turkistan' (also called Independent Tartary by romanticauthors) was being watched closely by Central Asian rulers.See Togan.[21] E. L Keenan, "The Jarlik of Axmed-Xan to Ivan III: A NewReading" INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SLAVIC LINGUISTICS ANDPOETICS, Vol. XII, 1967.[22] The figure 32 is not necessarily among the more widelyknown and recognized auspicious numbers which are at timesemployed for ornamentation.[23] See Pelenski, RUSSIA and KAZAN.[24] . W. Fisher CRIMEAN TATARS, op. cit. p. 43.[25] Used interchangeably with Batir, meaning valiant,gallant; as attributes of a skilled and fearless championtested in battle or contest. See Clauson, ETYMOLOGICALDICTIONARY OF PRE-THIRTEENTH CENTURY TURKISH (Oxford, 1972),p. 127.[26] Abubekir Divaoglu, CHORA BATIR (Tashkent, 1895).[27] See my ALPAMYSH.[28] Among others, Radloff was such an Orientalist who servedas Inspector of Schools.[29] J. C. Hurewitz, DIPLOMACY IN THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST(Princeton, 1956).[30] A. Bennigsen, "The Crisis of the Turkic National Epics,1951-1952: Local Nationalism or Internationalism" CANADIANSLAVONIC PAPERS Vol. XVII, No. 2&3 (1975).[31] Bennigsen, ibid.[32] Bennigsen, ibid.[33] Wayne S. Vucinich (Ed.) RUSSIA IN ASIA (Stanford, 1972);L. Tillett, THE GREAT FRIENDSHIP: THE SOVIET HISTORIANS ONTHE NON-RUSSIAN NATIONALITIES (Chapel Hill, 1969); C. E.Black (Ed.), REWRITING RUSSIAN HISTORY: SOVIETINTERPRETATIONS OF RUSSIA'S PAST (NY, 1956).[34] See my ALPAMYSH.[35] H. B. Paksoy, (Ed.) CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS(forthcoming) [PUBLISHED-- Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1992].[36] L. Branson, "How Kremlin Keeps Editors in Line" THETIMES (London) 5 January 1986). See also MUHBIR.[37] John Soper, "Shake-up in the Uzbek Literary Elite"CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY (Oxford) Vol. 1, No. 4 (1983).[38] H. B. Paksoy, "Central Asia's New Dastans" CENTRAL ASIANSURVEY Vol. 6, No. 1 (1986). [1987][39] "V tsene li'chernye glaza" KOMSOMOL'SKAIA PRAVDA,December 5, 1984.[40] See note 27; also H. B. Paksoy, "The Deceivers" CENTRALASIAN SURVEY Vol. 3, No. 1, 1984.[41] "Uc Tarz-i Siyaset" (Ankara, 1976) [For an Englishtranslation, see CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS, op. cit].[42] See note 4.[43] Introduction to ALPAMYSH (Tashkent, 1939).[44] "Kuyas ham Alav" GULISTAN No. 9, 1980. [for an Englishtranslation, see CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS, op. cit].[45] See note 38.[46] KAZAK EDEBIYATI, No. 30, 1982. See also C. F. Carlsonand H. Oraltay, "Kul Tegin: Advice on the Future?" CENTRALASIAN SURVEY, vol. 2, No. 2, 1983; N. Shahrani, "From Tribeto Umma: Comments on the Dynamics of Identity in MuslimSoviet Central Asia" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY, Vol. 3, No. 3,1984.[47] E. J. Lazzerini, "Ismail Bey Gasprinskii and MuslimModernism in Russia, 1878-1914" (Unpublished DoctoralDissertation, U of Washington, 1973).[48] E. J. Lazzerini, "Gadidism at the Turn of the TwentiethCentury: A View from Within" CAHIERS DU MONDE RUSSE ETSOVIETIQUE, No. 16, 1975.[49] A. Bennigsen and C. Lemercier-Quelquejay, LA PRESSE ETLE MOUVEMENT NATIONAL CHEZ LES MUSELMANS DE RUSSE AVANT 1920(The Hague, 1964).[50] A. Bennigsen and C. Lemercier-Quelquejay, ISLAM IN THESOVIET UNION (London, 1967).[51] Kirimli Cafer Seydiahmet, GASPIRALI ISMAIL BEY(Istanbul, n.d [1934]). 2ff7e9595c
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